Every political tradition has a record. Unionism's opponents tell only the worst of it. Some unionists prefer to tell only the best. Neither helps anyone understand where Northern Ireland has come from, or where unionism goes next.
Achievements
Keeping Northern Ireland in the United Kingdom. Northern Ireland was established in 1921 under the Government of Ireland Act 1920. For more than a century, through war, economic change and decades of terrorism, unionists have secured its place in the UK by democratic means.
Standing with the UK in two world wars. The 36th (Ulster) Division's sacrifice at the Somme in 1916 is remembered across these islands. In the Second World War, Northern Ireland's shipyards, factories and ports were vital to the Allied effort, and Belfast suffered heavily in the Blitz of 1941.
Securing the principle of consent. The Belfast Agreement of 1998 confirmed in law that Northern Ireland's status can only change with the consent of a majority of its people. The Republic of Ireland dropped its constitutional claim to Northern Ireland. David Trimble, then leader of the Ulster Unionist Party, shared the Nobel Peace Prize with John Hume for their part in reaching it.
Sharing power. Unionist leaders took real political risks to make devolved government work. Brian Faulkner led the first power-sharing executive in 1974. In 2007 Ian Paisley entered government with Sinn Féin, something few had thought possible. Those decisions helped end decades of violence.
Holding to democracy. Throughout the Troubles, mainstream unionism held to the ballot box and the rule of law, even while its people were targets of a sustained terrorist campaign.
Failures
Unfairness under the old Stormont. From 1921 to 1972, Northern Ireland was governed by a single party. The Cameron Report of 1969 found real grievances among Catholics over housing allocation, local government boundaries and jobs. Derry's council boundaries were a notorious example. Those wrongs should be acknowledged plainly, not explained away.
Reform came too slowly. When the civil rights movement asked for change in the late 1960s, too many in government resisted rather than reformed. That failure helped hand the initiative to people who believed in violence, not votes.
Division within unionism. Sunningdale collapsed in 1974 partly because unionism was split over it. Since then, divisions between parties have often weakened unionism's voice at the moments it mattered most.
Talking mainly to ourselves. For long periods, unionism made its case to people already persuaded. It did too little to explain to Catholics, to newcomers and to the growing middle ground why the Union serves them too.
Stepping back from institutions. Both unionist and nationalist parties have, at different times, brought down or boycotted devolved government. Each time, public services suffered and confidence in Stormont fell.
Lessons for today
- Own the past honestly. Admitting past wrongs does not weaken the case for the Union. It makes it more credible.
- Make the case to everyone. The Union's future depends on people who do not see themselves as unionists at all. Many of them simply want stability, good services and prosperity, and the Union can offer all three.
- Make government work. The strongest argument for Northern Ireland within the UK is a Northern Ireland that works: hospitals, schools, jobs and fair treatment for all.
- Be confident, not fearful. Unionism is at its best when it is positive about what Northern Ireland is and can be, not only about what it is against.
The record shows a tradition that has made real mistakes and real achievements. Its greatest achievement is the one that still matters most: a Northern Ireland whose future is decided by its own people, by consent.
This is an opinion piece. It sets out the author’s view.
